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The Art of the False Dilemma

whatsyourplatform

A discerning electorate needs to wisen up on the logical fallacy of the false dilemma as the pundits dish out pro and anti spins for their respective candidates.

As defined in the open source reference:

The logical fallacy of false dilemma (also called false dichotomy, the either-or fallacy) involves a situation in which only two alternatives are considered, when in fact there are other options. Closely related are failing to consider a range of options and the tendency to think in extremes, called black-and-white thinking. Strictly speaking, the prefix “di” in “dilemma” means “two”. When a list of more than two choices is offered, but there are other choices not mentioned, then the fallacy is called the fallacy of false choice, or the fallacy of exhaustive hypotheses.

False dilemma can arise intentionally, when fallacy is used in an attempt to force a choice (“If you are not with us, you are against us.”) But the fallacy can arise simply by accidental omission—possibly through a form of wishful thinking or ignorance—rather than by deliberate deception (“I thought we were friends, but all my friends were at my apartment last night and you weren’t there.”)

When two alternatives are presented, they are often, though not always, two extreme points on some spectrum of possibilities. This can lend credence to the larger argument by giving the impression that the options are mutually exclusive, even though they need not be. Furthermore, the options are typically presented as being collectively exhaustive, in which case the fallacy can be overcome, or at least weakened, by considering other possibilities, or perhaps by considering a whole spectrum of possibilities, as in fuzzy logic.

Why is this a false dilema?

The following statements present the issue as if it were a dichotomy when clearly there is another issue that is not being addressed – “the political platform”.

  • So it seems that the way to defeat Noynoy is to change the election frame from a question of character to a contest of who is the best padrino, regardless of record and reputation
  • What will win the people’s trust and confidence this time around: the politics of honesty and cleanliness, or the politics of patronage and slander?

Due to the lack of a comprehensive substantiated platform, the pro-Noynoy camp is attempting to downgrade and lower the bar by repositioning the framework as one of personality trait A vs personality trait B. It might appear that this is a valid dilemma because the dichotomy of the personality traits are being discussed. What’s being missed is that this personality trait-centric framework does not address the strategic issues facing the Philippines today.

Make the people think that the Noynoy campaign – is their campaign, “the people’s campaign”, that they are changing the politics, when this is actually a continuation of oligarch rule on the electorate. Play enough Noynoy music triumphalist ads, never mind that it has any substance at all, not even an iota of a platform; play it over and over on the oligarch-owned ABS-CBN media channels; in due time, you will have people believing in something without actually knowing what exactly it is they are believing in. Joseph Goebbels will gladly pin an Iron Cross on the oligarch-backed media campaign of Noynoy. Ensuring that the framework remains as one of contrasting personality traits removes the pressure on discussing solutions that address economic disparity. This approach is reinforced through repetitive bombardment of vacuous music ads to an oblivious audience.

Personality traits form only one aspect of a candidate’s campaign. The pinoy electorate has been on this road before. Identifying these same personality traits allowed candidates to push emotional buttons and get results – a methodology that would make Pavlov, Thorndike, Skinner, and Goebbels proud.

Philippine Electorates Voting Preferences – Andrew Mungcal’s Thesis

The findings in a 208-page thesis titled “”POLITICAL CHOICE BEHAVIOR IN THE 1998 PHILIPPINE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION: AN INTERPRETATION OF SWS SURVEY DATA” submitted by Andrew Lou L. Mungcal as requirement for getting his MA in Political Science from the ADMU show that not much has changed on how the Pinoy electorate evaluates candidates.

The research study shows that a correlation exists between the independent variables such as language, region, socio-economic class, religion, age and survey ratingsexcept sex, and the dependent variable such as a voter’s political choice behavior .

Specifically, Andrew Mungcal’s study yielded these findings:

  1. Voters tend to choose a candidate if they can identify their language with that candidate’s language.
  2. Voters tend to choose a candidate if they can connect their language with that candidate’s language as closely related.
  3. Voters tend to choose a candidate if they can identify their region with that candidate’s region.
  4. Voters tend to choose a candidate if they can identify their socio-economic class with a candidate who represents or symbolizes their causes and class interests.
  5. Voters tend to choose a candidate if they can connect their socio-economic class with the endorsement of their class leaders of a candidate.
  6. Voters tend to choose a candidate if they can identify their socio-economic class with that candidate’s education or profession.
  7. Voters tend to choose a candidate if they can connect their religion with the endorsement of their religious leaders of a candidate.
  8. Voters tend to choose a candidate if they can connect their religion with that candidate’s political party (conative image).
  9. Voters tend to choose a candidate if they can identify the idealism of their age with that candidate’s idealism.
  10. Voters tend to choose a candidate if they can identify their issues with that candidate’s platforms (cognitive image).
  11. Voters tend to choose a candidate if they can identify their issues with that candidate’s track record (cognitive image).
  12. Voters tend to choose a candidate if they can identify their emotional feelings with that candidate’s popularity or pleasing personality (charisma) [affective image].
  13. Voters tend to choose a candidate if that candidate’s rating is leading in opinion polls (bandwagon effect).

The study’s conclusions were very revealing and certainly very relevant to the current political exercise leading to 2010. The conclusions are:

  1. The study ascertains that candidate image is a factor that often affects a voter’spolitical choice behavior other than language, region, socio-economic class, religion, and age. Voters probably tend to choose a candidate based on the cognitive, affective and
    conative aspects of candidate image ifthey cannot identify their language, region, socio- economic class, religion, and age with that of the candidates’ socio-demographic profile. This relationship of voters’ emotional association to a candidate’s affective and conative image, and the connection of the voters’ socio-demographic characteristics (language, region, socio-economic class, religion, age) to a candidate’s socio-demographic profile, and survey ratings of a candidate are narrow identifications with a candidate.
  2. These independent variables, especially the emotional feelings and candidate image, determine a voter’s political choice behavior. However, these factors do not necessarily mean an improved quality of voting, and of election, as well as selection of leaders in the Philippines.
  3. The voters would have to be educated in their choice of leaders based on some solid criteria other than affective and cognitive images, language, region, socio-economic class, religion, age, and survey rating considerations. These criteria may include qualifications, and mature discernment of the candidates’ issues, platforms, and track record or performance.

Mungcal then proceeded to provide his recommendations:

These are the specific recommendations to agents of social change in order to educate the voters in their choice of leaders based on some solid criteria other than affective and socio-demographic considerations:

  1. Congress and the legislative bodies of Local Government Units (LGUs) should appropriate funds and enact policies and programs for State Colleges and Universities (SCUs), Locally-funded Colleges (LCs) and other public educational institutions that would sponsor seminars and trainings concerning political, economic, and social issues of national and local importance for the electorate. Congress should also frame policies that would review and amend the existing minimum qualifications of a candidate for a public office at the national level in the Constitution. Possibly, these minimum qualifications could be tertiary education and managerial experience in public administration or private enterprise.
  2. Political parties should institutionalize the process of selecting and screening their candidates based on qualifications, platforms and track record. They should not rely exclusively on the winnability factor of their candidates.
  3. Public and private educational institutions should include in the General Education curriculum a special course of Voters’ Education to tertiary level students or they should integrate this course in the Humanities and Social Sciences. They should also organize and support voter’s education programs at the tertiary level, through the Academic Affairs Office in coordination with the Student Affairs Office, that would study and discern on the candidacy of national candidates based on national and foreign policy issues, political and economic platforms, educational background, professional experience arid track record. In addition, public and private educational institutions should integrate in their curriculum a special course of Governance and Public Policy to elementary and secondary level students who are beginning to become voters. These would-be voters should be educated in selecting candidates based on qualifications, platforms and track record.
  4. People’s Organizations (Pos), Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and other grassroots organizations should sponsor seminars and workshops to the urban poor communities, small farmers and tenants, local fishermen, laborers and Indigenous People’s Communities (IPCs) concerning political, economic and social issues of national and local importance. Although these marginalized sectors should be very clear on how to choose their candidates who understand their needs and problems, nevertheless, they should go beyond their narrow identifications with a candidate. Specifically, POs and NGOs should provide solid criteria for these sectors of society in selecting national leaders based on qualifications, platforms and track record.
  5. National scientific opinion poll institutions should not just describe the ratings of candidates during elections. They should also analyze the candidates’ position concerning political, economic and social issues of national and global importance so that the voters and the general public would have a better discernment of issues that matter in the selection of national leaders.
  6. Broadcast media organizations should sponsor national debates in radio and television shows so that voters would have a glimpse of the candidates’ national priorities and foreign policy issues and platforms. They should also suggest to voters solid criteria for selecting candidates that would sustain political stability, economic growth, social mobility and national pride.
  7. Print media organizations should publish the issues of national and foreign policy concerns of the candidates, their track record, as well as their platforms if they would be elected in public office. They should suggest to voters solid criteria for selecting candidates based on genuine issues, track record and practical platforms. When these social agents of change heed these recommendations, there is no assurance, but somehow these measures could significantly help voters make their choice and decision in selecting leaders. Given all these suggestions, these may contribute and clarify reasonable criteria for the voters’ choice of a candidate.

Mungcal is on to something, the Philippine electorate isn’t and remains oblivious – and that works for the oligarchs bankrolling an oligarch candidate.

The Strategic View

Beyond the politics of pitting one personality trait against another, the electorate has yet to grasp the underpinning economic structure of the Philippines – beyond the politics of personalities, there lies the poltics of poverty versus prosperity.

It is a no-brainer to figure out who exactly are in the prosperous segment – the oligarchs. And it is quite understandable that these same oligarchs would prefer that positions on solving economic disparity receive as little airtime as possible. Or, to present “solutions” that aren’t really solutions.

Take for instance, the anti-corruption line. This line is the most common denominator that people can understand. What’s being missed is that corruption is a symptom of a social disease – the lack of prosperity – poverty.

Addressing poverty is not just anti-corruption, it also includes systems change that will involve consitutional change, an investor-friendly policy regime, land reform, the environment, education, and health care among others.

Framing the debate as a battle of personality traits does not address the strategic issues facing the Philippines in the 21st century. Not only is it barriotic, it is irresponsible.

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Comments

  1. Hyden Toro says:

    Dilemmas are a result of a wrong way of thinking or wrong paradigm.
    If your way of thinking are not highly principled. Or are based
    on social values or local cultures. You will surely be confronted
    by dilemmas. Which will force you to revise/renew your way of thinking.

    Higly principled thinking are based on natural laws. Like, you cannot
    fake that you are in good health. When in truth you are ill. Or that
    you can do 100 push ups.And in truth, you cannot. You cannot fake those things. Or that you are a very knowledgeable person. In the discussions in the FV Blogsites. You can judge people who really know what they are talking about.

  2. Primer C. Pagunuran Primer says:

    With its heavy leaning on the work of Mungcal, shouldn’t the title be – “The logical fallacy of false SWS data”?

    All these spoken-off voter’s behavioral tendencies(affective or cognitive)are simply commonsensical and a simple reflection paper ought to be sufficient to prove the main theme on how voters tend to vote.

  3. Joe America says:

    The dude did a nice study, but advocates will continue to use every argumentative trick known to man, including outright lying, to promote their biases and the candidate they prefer. Modern media empower sound-bite simplicity and reality show hyper-drama. The notion that we live in a factual, rational world is itself an absurdity. We live in a world of manufactured distortion.

    The only way to slow the spreading stench of manipulation is to re-jig the fundamental structures of government, banning hiring of friends and family so that Filipinos can have real in-country careers based on practical achievement, and establishing an independent judiciary that mandates fast resolution of cases so sanity can be litigated into place by private individuals.

    Short of that, we are destined to cycle through one manipulated dysfunction after another.

    Joe

    • BongV BongV says:

      Joe:

       That’s where we separate the men from the boys.

      Reorganizing government will work IF the underlying factors that drive corruption are addressed – economic, political, and social. In a recent Forbes article, it was pointed out that:

      The December arrest of Illinois Gov. Rod Blagojevich on corruption charges shocked American sensibilities. But in much of the world, corruption is commonplace. It can be as petty as paying a bribe to get a building permit or as profound as selling a Senate seat. Systemic corruption undermines the authority of the legal system and damages the efficiency of the marketplace. It goes hand in hand with poverty and weak economic growth. And it is very difficult to eradicate.
      The good news: Countries can become less corrupt as they get richer. Australia was among the world’s most corrupt countries 100 years ago; now it is among the least. Sometimes our better angels prevail.

      Moreover, recent studies paid for by USAID had these to say:

      A substantial number of recent studies have examined the relationship between poverty and
      corruption to clarify the ways in which these phenomena interact. An understanding of this
      complex relationship can inform USAID planning and programming in democracy and
      governance, as well as in poverty reduction strategies.

      Corruption in the public sector — the misuse of public office for private gain — is often viewed as
      exacerbating conditions of poverty (low income, poor health and education status, vulnerability to
      shocks and other characteristics) in countries already struggling with the strains of economic
      growth and democratic transition. Alternatively, countries experiencing chronic poverty are seen
      as natural breeding grounds for systemic corruption due to social and income inequalities and
      perverse economic incentives.

      The literature points to the conclusion that corruption, by itself, does not produce poverty.
      Rather, corruption has direct consequences on economic and governance factors, intermediaries
      that in turn produce poverty.
      Thus, the relationship examined by researchers is an indirect one.
      This paper discusses two major models explaining this moderated linkage between corruption and
      poverty: an economic model and a governance model.

      The Economic Model postulates that corruption affects poverty by first impacting economic
      growth factors, which, in turn, impact poverty levels.
      Economic theory and empirical evidence
      both demonstrate that there is a direct causal link between corruption and economic growth.
      Corruption impedes economic growth by discouraging foreign and domestic investment, taxing
      and dampening entrepreneurship, lowering the quality of public infrastructure, decreasing tax
      revenues, diverting public talent into rent-seeking, and distorting the composition of public
      expenditure. In addition to limiting economic growth, there is evidence that corruption also
      exacerbates income inequality; regression analysis has shown a positive correlation between
      corruption and income inequality. Explanations for this link are that corruption distorts the
      economy and the legal and policy frameworks allowing some to benefit more than others; there is
      unfair distribution of government resources and services; corruption reduces the progressivity of
      the tax system; corruption increases the inequality of factor ownership; and lower income
      households (and businesses) pay a higher proportion of their income in bribes than do middle or
      upper-income households. Economic growth and income inequality are important because they
      link corruption to poverty. Studies show that the absence of economic growth (or negative
      growth) increases poverty. Inversely, tests have shown that an increase in GDP produces an
      increase in the income of the poor. However, income distribution is an important mediating
      factor because economic growth may not always benefit the poor.

      The Governance Model asserts that corruption affects poverty by influencing governance factors,
      which, in turn, impact poverty levels.
      First, corruption reduces governance capacity, that is, it
      weakens political institutions and citizen participation and leads to lower quality government
      services and infrastructure. The poor suffer disproportionately from reduced public services.
      When health and basic education expenditures are given lower priority, for example, in favor of
      capital intensive programs that offer more opportunities for high-level rent taking, lower income
      groups lose services on which they depend. Corruption is consistently correlated with higher
      school dropout rates and high levels of infant mortality. Secondly, impaired governance
      increases poverty by restricting economic growth and, coming full circle, by its inability to
      control corruption. Thirdly, corruption that reduces governance capacity also may inflict critical
      collateral damage: reduced public trust in government institutions. As trust — an important
      element of social capital — declines, research has shown that vulnerability of the poor increases as
      their economic productivity is affected. When people perceive that the social system is
      untrustworthy and inequitable, their incentive to engage in productive economic activities
      declines.

      In conclusion, the literature reviewed in this paper demonstrates that corruption does exacerbate
      and promote poverty, but this pattern is complex and moderated by economic and governance
      factors. Based on these findings, anti-corruption programs that are crafted to address issues of
      economic growth, income distribution, governance capacity, government services in health and
      education, and public trust in government are likely to not only reduce corruption, but reduce
      poverty as well
      .

      In the recent Transparency International Country Report on the Philippines, the findings re-inforce the prior messages:

      Executive Summary:

      Today, the Philippines is witnessing a flurry of anti-corruption activity. The government has been working hard hand-in-hand with international donor organisations focusing on both preventive and punitive efforts that, in turn, have been supported by substantial  financial resources at both national and sub-national levels. These have intended to fast-track and implement a myriad of reform initiatives to rid the country of endemic and pervasive corruption.

      Philippine anti-corruption efforts may be described in superlative terms. For instance, in relation to legislation, as early as the 1930s a Penal Code was enacted punishing corrupt acts, and in the 1960s a landmark law, the Anti–Graft and Corruption Practices Act, was passed to counter corruption. The 1987 Philippine constitution enshrines principles of accountability, constitutional independence, fiscal autonomy and disclosure of information. The government advocates zero tolerance for corruption and follows the world’s best practice in adopting a three-pronged anticorruption approach – promotion, prevention and enforcement. Civil society in the Philippines is among the most vibrant worldwide, with a strong anti-corruption ideology, and the country’s highly literate population produces independent thinkers and committed champions for reform. The Philippine press is Asia’s liveliest. Other constituencies, such as the business sector, civil society, community groups and religious organisations have all coalesced to support the anti-corruption agenda.

      Yet corruption remains prevalent. Recent international and national surveys and reports show that the Philippines is still perceived as highly corrupt. In support of these findings, there is a plethora of newspaper reports on fertilizer scams, electoral fraud, jueteng payola (receiving illicit payments for an illegal numbers game), political financing scandals, pre-need (private funds which target educational investors) companies’ corporate governance problems and thievery in military procurement. A lack of compliance and implementation on the side of the public and a lack of prosecutions, convictions and enforcement on the side of the authorities persist. A bifurcation remains between catching ‘small fry’ and ‘big fish’; between rhetoric and reality and promise and performance.

      An institutional assessment of the national integrity system helps to clarify the situation. Several solutions are suggested:

      under-regulation exists, for instance, in the area of whistleblower protection for whole-of-government and private sector coverage (although two bills are now pending in Congress and one in the Senate);

      efficient information retrieval systems are needed for increased transparency;

      the political party system and campaign financing need strengthening;
      and independence of oversight bodies should be enhanced.

      On the other hand, over-regulation exists in rent-seeking areas, allowing politicians to become involved in the appointments system,
      promoting extortion and quota-fixing and serving to dilute efforts and resources in the war against corruption. A more empirical approach within research methodologies to inform and review legislation is lacking.

      In a country with institutionalized corruption, integrity pillars themselves are compromised by systemic corruption compounded with difficulties to operate efficiently and effectively. Collusion, state capture, leadership incapable of crushing vested interests and a lack of a focal point are issues that still need to be addressed. These problems may be tackled by reviewing constitutional law, particularly in areas concerning:

      appointments and the excessive power of the executive
      strengthening institutional restraints against political interventions
      building capacity within institutions
      supporting demand for democratic principles in the public domain
      ensuring independence and fiscal autonomy of accountability bodies and

      promoting moral standards and ethical values.

      In a recent Cross-National Study on the Casues of Corruption conducted by UCLA

      While the complexity of the issues and the weakness of available statistical techniques makes it essential to be cautious, the analysis does suggest some interesting results. I find strong and robust support for five arguments and slightly weaker support for a sixth.

      First, I replicate in this dataset the findings of La Porta et al. (1999) that countries with Protestant traditions and those with more developed economies have higher quality governments. Both factors are significantly and robustly associated with lower perceived corruption. Evidence in this paper suggests that causation runs from economic development to lower corruption as well as from corruption to slower development.

      I find in addition that countries with a history of British rule were robustly rated “less corrupt”. La Porta et al. (1999) argue that a common law legal system, found mostly in Britain and its former colonies, is associated with superior government. I suggest and present some preliminary evidence that—in the case of corruption— another aspect of legal tradition may be more important than the common law/civil law distinction. This aspect, I argue, is the prevailing practices and expectations about how the law is administered—which I call “legal culture”, and which I argue has a distinctive focus on procedural justice in many former British colonies.

      Third, federal states were more “corrupt” than unitary ones, presumably because the competition between autonomous levels of government to extract bribes leads to “overgrazing of the commons”.

      Fourth, while the current degree of democracy was not significant, a long period of exposure to democracy was.

      Finally, as Ades and Di Tella (1999) have also found, openness to trade may reduce corruption, though it is hard to be sure of the direction of causation and this finding is slightly less robust than the others.

      Overall, the findings suggest why fighting corruption in many countries has proved so difficult. 

      The distant past appears as important as—or more important than—current policy.
      Democratization has to be radical and long-lived and trade liberalization has to be extensive to decrease corruption much.
      The one slightly more hopeful finding is that, even though corruption hinders growth, countries can at times grow their way out of corruption. If other factors lead to vigorous economic development, corruption is likely to decrease.


       


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