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“Transactional Politics” and Elections 2010


Transactional Politics: Boon or Bane?

Transactional Politics: Boon or Bane?

This blog is a spin-off from comments made in Cocoy’s blog on the Charter Change Train . It further makes the assumption that:

  • Presidential elections, legislative elections and local elections in the Philippines will be conducted on May 10, 2010.
  • The Charter stays unchanged.
  • If the charter is changed, the dynamics of “transactional politics” stays constant.

Understanding “Transactional Politics”

The Western Perspective on Transactional Politics

An example of “Transactional Politics is described by Democratic New York state senator Eric Schneiderman, he is quoted as saying

Check off the boxes, copy the paragraph from two years ago, mail it in. As an election year approaches, I again face the piles of questionnaires that progressive organizations use to evaluate public officials. Environmentalists, feminists, campaign finance reformers, housing advocates and labor unions have all come to rely on these lists of our positions–often on issues that never even come up for a vote. It should come as no surprise that, for the most part, all we get out of this cumbersome process is a long line of “checklist liberals” who answer correctly but do little to advance the progressive causes that underlie the questionnaires. I respectfully suggest that if we want to move beyond short- term efforts to slow down the bone-crushing machinery of the contemporary conservative movement and begin to build a meaningful movement of our own, we need to expand the job descriptions of our elected officials. To do this, we must consider the two distinct aspects of our work: transactional politics and transformational politics.

Transactional politics is pretty straightforward. What’s the best deal I can get on a gun-control or immigration-reform bill during this year’s legislative session? What do I have to do to elect a good progressive ally in November? Transactional politics requires us to be pragmatic about current realities and the state of public opinion. It’s all about getting the best result possible given the circumstances here and now.

Transformational politics is the work we do today to ensure that the deal we can get on gun control or immigration reform in a year—or five years, or 20 years—will be better than the deal we can get today. Transformational politics requires us to challenge the way people think about issues, opening their minds to better possibilities. It requires us to root out the assumptions about politics or economics or human nature that prevent us from embracing policies that will make our lives better. Transformational politics has been a critical element of American political life since Lincoln was advocating his “oft expressed belief that a leader should endeavor to transform, yet heed, public opinion.

Joe Trippi, however, is more circumspect in Transactional Politics — Transactional Nation

Transactional politics. I’ll give you a tax cut for your vote. Health care for everyone for your vote. I’ll keep you safe for your vote. Everything is a transaction with the citizen in a transactional democracy — and both of our nation’s political parties fell to transactional politics long ago. It happened so slowly. Its like your eyes adjusting so well to the dark and living in the dark for so long — that you don’t realize that the bright light of our democracy has been diminished. Transactional politics breeds the politics of “what’s in it for me?” “What do I get?” At the expense of the common good — something almost never mentioned by our nation’s leaders — in both parties — over the past few decades.

In a transactional political system there is no transaction that leads to preventing the devastation of hurricane Katrina. No politician will say we need to spend $14 billion to strengthen the levees and pumps to sustain a category 5 hurricane. Where will the $14 billion come from? Raising taxes? “I’ll raise your taxes to prevent a threat you can not see vs I’ll cut your taxes for your vote” is a losing proposition in a democracy that has fallen into transactional politics.

So now we will spend $100 Billion and add the cost of human suffering and death.

We know that democracy in its early stages is transformational. You kick the British out and the new democracy transforms everything. We also know now that democracy as it grows older becomes transactional. We are afterall the great democratic experiment and we have become completely transactional in our politics — almost all hint of transformational politics and leadership has disappeared.

In the early stages of our democracy it was obvious to all that we could not make it without each other — somewhere along the way transactional “what’s in it for me?” politics kicked in and our democracy fell into decline without many of us knowing it.

Katrina can be a moment where we realize the failure of transactional politics that perpetuates “what’s in it for me?” and instead embrace the transformational politics on which our nation was founded “We can not make it without each other”.

Transformational Politics is different — it requires sacrifice from the citizenry in support of the common good. It requires leaders willing to risk loss of power when they challenge the citizenry to move in an unpopular but correct direction.

Over a third of our nation’s energy is dispersed from the area around New Orleans — most of the goods coming from Iowa, Illinois, Missouri and the midwest comes down the Mississippi River and out the port of New Orleans to the rest of the nation. Our food, our products our gasoline supply for all of us depended on a bunch of Americans taking a risk. Knowingly or not they took that risk on our behalf year after year — and we all benefited from their efforts year after year.

We ate our corn, and filled our tanks and went about our lives while our nation and our transactional politics failed them. Today how many Americans would have given up that tax cut and used the money instead to strengthen the levees and pumps around New Orleans?

The problem with transactional politics is we the people get to blame the politicians.

I would have rather that a transformational leader had told us that we needed to spend $14 billion to save New Orleans — I would rather that we voted that transformational leader out of office because he wanted to raise our taxes — so today we could all be looking into the mirror to blame ourselves for this disaster.

Transformational politics requires citizens to sacrifice for the common good. The generation that fought in World War II understood that as did every previous American generation. The tragedy of Katrina calls to every American to let the politics of transaction retreat with the flood waters of the Gulf Coast — and fill the void with a renewed committment to the common good. If we fail to do this as a people then we will have no one to blame for the further decline of our democracy but ourselves.

Democracy is self-government.

The Philippine Experience in Transactional Politics

I find the paper delivered by Patricia Sto. Tomas, Former Chairperson, Philippine Civil Service Commission on “Transactional Politics in the Public Sector” to the Center for Asia-Pacific Women in Politics as very vivid description of Transactional Politics as practiced in the Philippines. Her insights are presented below:

Let us, like most reasonable people, begin by trying to define transactional politics. I would just as soon call it QPQP or quid pro quo politics but this does not say very much either. To me, transactional politics is simply the use of official power or authority for undeserved gain. The word official is used here to denote those who are in elected or appointed government positions. This is not to say that transactional politics does not happen in the private section because it does. In fact, some of the best practitioners of transactional politics are outside government and usually show up their public counterparts with the sophistication and innovation with which they pursue the practice. But today, we limit ourselves to public politics.

This definition of transactional politics lends itself to a number of questions.

What if no official power or authority is exerted? As in, you meet an acquaintance during cocktails and he offers you shares in an initial Public Offering of his firm at a generous discount. He does not transact any kind of business with your office (let’s say you a senator); you did not solicit the information and in fact did not know about his firm’s IPO [Initial Public Offering]. If you accepted the offer, would this be transactional politics? Perhaps it is best that we answer this with another question. If you were not a senator, if you have met this acquaintance in your former capacity or after your term has ended, would he have made you that same offer? The power or authority in our definition does not have to be outwardly manifested. Quite often, holding the office itself is the power, the authority.

But what if the gain is deserved? Let us say that in your capacity as chairman of a certain legislative committee, you worked very hard to get certain amendments passed that incidentally favored the industry in which the offeror operates. Since you were doing this in your sincere belief that it was in the best public interest and not for any material gain, why shouldn’t you benefit from it? The gain from government work is supposed to be recognition and public appreciation for work well done, in addition of course to the official compensation that an elected official is supposed to receive. Everything else must be considered undeserved. Incidentally, any transaction between a government person and another is never just between the two of them. The third party to such a transaction is always the general public whose interests must always be protected. After all, if any damage accrues to government, it is the public taxpayer who eventually pays in terms of overpriced or undelivered services.

Is transactional politics then any different from graft or corruption?

In a very real sense, transactional politics is the mother of all official offenses. It refers after all both to legal offenses as well as those which the law does not expressly prohibit. It might be useful therefore to establish a decision tree of sorts to determine when an act falls under transactional politics.

The logical starting point always is: Is it legal? Over the years, various countries have acquired a rich and complicated overlay of laws and rules that lay out what is allowed and what isn’t. Some of these are impractical, tedious, even outdated and irrelevant. But they define the intentions of societies that have grown weary of trying to use informal pressure to keep their functionaries in line. These laws are called sunshine and moonbeams laws because they allow light where some others would prefer the safety of darkness and shadows. It is interesting to note what lengths bureaucrats will go to ensure safety in the implementation of these laws. After Republic Act 6713 was enacted in the Philippines, otherwise known as the Code of Conduct for Government Officials and Employees, we were charged with setting up the implementing rules. Implementing rules seek to clarify the nuances of the law. One provision of that law said that no government official may accept a gift except when it is of nominal value. We spent three days debating the definition of nominal value. One suggested that nominal value should correspond to no more than P100 or then roughly equivalent to $4 US. The question came back: Ok, but how often? I said, what do you mean how often?  I said, what do you mean how often? What if somebody gives a $4 gift every day for one whole year? It is a tricky world and even writing implementing rules and regulations can be fraught with danger.

A good second test is: Does this subject the cost of a public transaction to the law of supply and demand? If getting a driver’s license normally costs say ten dollars and getting a license after failing the driving test costs $50, would an act like this fall under transactional politics? It most certainly does. It is illegal; it distorts the legitimate price of a public transaction; it involves the use of official power and the gain is definitely undeserved. It is often said that the incremental gain is a function of the risk that the official or the employee takes in behalf of the client. Misdemeanours are usually encouraged by high-opportunity/low-risk situations. At the risk of citing the obvious, government people are not paid to take unnecessary risks; they are there to ensure, in the case of the license granting official, that the risk of being hit by a wayward or untrained driver is minimized for the rest of the citizenry.

A third criterion would be: does this transaction unduly favor one group over another? In many of our countries, for instance, bidding for the purchase of specific goods or services are usually undertaken to ensure that contracts do not go to favored suppliers. But this can be subverted in some other ways. For instance, bids can be so structured such that only one or two suppliers will meet the specifications and by that token, only they are allowed to go into the actual bidding round. But these are clear examples of TP [transactional politics]. Let us move into propositions that are less subject to clear and immediate interpretations. Assume for a moment that you have an elected official who has moved the country from Point A to Point B, a movement of significant improvement. There is consensus that he has done well and perhaps may do even better if given more time. The problem is his term is about to come to an end and the country’s constitution prohibits him from running for reelection. Should the Constitution then be amended to benefit a competent person? For that matter, the same Constitution was amended ten years before against the perceived opportunism of a deposed leader, the explicit reason for the non-reelection provision. Should Constitutions be changed to tailor fit specific persons, whether good or bad? Should other officials who are in the same boat (cannot stand for reelection but will profit from a term extension which cannot be sought for the President alone but for all other elected officials), but who may bring about the formation of a Constituent Assembly, be allowed to bring such an Assembly to fruition? Is this QPQP or simply the application of valid solutions to nagging ground realities?

Transactional politics refers not just to decisions between government and client. It can also refer to decisions between government offices. Consider this: A country benefits from tourism and is known world-wide for one particular excellent beach location. Investors from all over the country, both big and small, have put in their stakes in this one location because of the excellent returns it promised. One government agency found out that the beaches are polluted with a dreaded bacteria that arises from unsafe disposal of waste. Another government agency fears that disclosing the contamination will endanger the tourism program, not to mention the investments of some of the smaller investors in the area. Should this then be disclosed? Why? Why not? Another good test for determining whether transactional politics is at work is to equate long-term and short-term benefits. One of the most telling arguments against long-term projects is the observation that in the long run, we are all dead. Why then should we worry about the future when we may not even be around or when technology or science may provide more efficient and less costly solutions. The IMF or the World Bank would not be flourishing today if politicians thought beyond the grave or if we had to pay for all borrowings before the start of the next elections. QPQP politicians are notoriously short-sighted. A good question to ask, if I were living in that future when this decision’s effects would finally be manifest, would I be able to live in that future safely and securely? Or, more to the point, would I be willing to swim in this beach after I know what is floating in it?

Miss Tomas provides her take on governance and delves further:

Implicit in all these questions, in this decision-tree of sorts is the assumption that governance, whether elected or appointed should never be the subject of commerce or exchange other than what is legally permissible. This is either the height of naiveté or the beginning of wisdom.

In a world when even possibilities are sold (you can trade in the futures of pork bellies), why shouldn’t we privatize government transactions and subject all things to the yardstick of which will bring in the greatest return? Theoretically, this is possible and the world seems headed in that direction.

But this is precisely the point:

  • Governments decide on matters that are not always subject to quantification.
  • They must weigh competing interests and deal with a variety of groups, many of whom have valid claims to immediate government assistance.
  • Transactions admit mainly of the ability to pay and if this were to be the basis of access to government goods and services, more citizens will be disenfranchised than would be able to participate fully in the determination of their present and their futures.
  • Government was invented to equalize opportunities in an increasingly unfair world; to ensure order so that not only the fit, the rich or the intelligent survive. The marketplace is quirky and imperfect and is not set up to discern what is just and fair. This is the reason why votes are not weighted in favor of the good, the rich or the able, but are instead apportioned one to each person so that even the dull and the ignorant are entitled to make judgments.

Transactional politicians subvert this view of governance and by that token, contribute to discontent and disaffection.

***

Knowledge does not create righteousness; a sense of justice and fairness does. These are qualities which while they are not gender-based have been observed to be correlated with the nurturing nature of women. We should be grateful that this association exists because it shows us the possibilities for reversing the transactional nature of politics. Whether we call it principled politics, participative politics, transparent politics or transformative politics does not really matter. We are at a point in time when our collective consciousness and the demands for a moral and ethical environment provide for a confluence of purpose.

The laws of Physics and Economics, to name, just two of the most influential disciplines, tell us that the natural state of things is balance or equilibrium. Where there is imbalance, where uneven distribution exists, there is stress and dysfunction. Our role therefore should be fairly clear: to restore balance where disequilibrium exists, to ensure that power of authority is not in the hands of the few however enlightened, able and competent they might be. If information or knowledge is the cause of the imbalance, the logical intervention is to get an education. If resources are not available, start an enterprise or get a job. If ennui or a lack of fulfillment sets in, get a life. If you feel alone and helpless, get organized. And if you still think that transactional politics will never affect you, think again. Wake up and get moving.

Transactional Politics is Here to Stay

The nagging reality is Transactional Politics is here to stay – and might even try to present itself as “Transformational”. The candor of a former head of a government agency says it all:

The assumption that governance, whether elected or appointed should never be the subject of commerce or exchange other than what is legally permissible. This is either the height of naiveté or the beginning of wisdom.

The traditional reaction to this reality in the Philippines is to hold rallies of public indignation. While rallies are powerful swayers of opinion, having too much rallies can result, as pointed out by Jon Limjap, to rally-fatigue.

A more engaged and proactive approach, imho, is by raising funds to support representatives who do good. By providing funds to support advertising, logistics, and volunteers, the pressure on elected officials to use taxpayers’ money for political campaigns is reduced.

What’s Good for the Goose is Good for the Gander

Is fundraising in the Philippines easier said than done? Are Philippine political norms and mores ready to engage in a more proactive manner?

Grassroots Fundraising

I recently stumbled into a site where I feel like a kid locked in the candy store.  The site is Local Victory – The site provides a lot of ideas. Just check out the listings below:

Fundraising

Campaign Organization
Grassroots Tactics
Voters Far and Near (absentee voter drives)
Message / Strategy
Communications

PACs – Political Action Committees

Another option is the use of Political Action Committees, commonly called “PACs”. PACs are organizations dedicated to raising and spending money to either elect or defeat political candidates -  an organization whose purpose is to raise and distribute campaign funds to candidates seeking political office. PACs are further described as being organized by corporations, labour unions, trade associations, or other organizations to raise funds from individuals and channel the resulting funds to candidates for elective offices in the federal government, primarily in the House of Representatives and the Senate. PACs rose to prominence after the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 set strict limits on the amount of money a particular corporation, union, or private individual could give to a candidate. By soliciting smaller contributions from a much larger number of individuals, PACs circumvent these limitations and manage to provide substantial funds for candidates.

History of PACS

The open source reference describes the history of PACS:

In 1944, the Congress of Industrial Organizations, the CIO part of what is today the AFL-CIO, wanted to help President Franklin Roosevelt get re-elected. Standing in their way was the Smith Connally Act of 1943, which made it illegal for labor unions to contribute funds to federal candidates. The CIO went around Smith Connally by urging individual union members to voluntarily contribute money directly to the Roosevelt campaign. It worked very well and PACs, or political action committees were born. Since then, PACs have raised billions of dollars for thousands of candidates and causes.

Good Government and Good Behavior

Harnessing the liberating nature of Grassroots Politics as a tool of policy within a transactional system can yield results. The catch is people need to get engaged. There are tactics other than rallies that can generate results and can shift the balance of political power.

I like Matthew Yglesia’s take on getting people engaged when he writes in “Ethics Comes to Louisiana:

It does seem to me, though, that the condition of a jurisdiction’s formal policies on government ethics are more likely to be a symptom than a cause of the actual state of play.

If you have the relevant social conditions to support good government -

  • competent media
  • engaged citizenry
  • civil society groups that can form the basis of electoral coalitions
  • a political culture that values honesty

– then a politician who engages in a lot of shady behavior is likely to find himself voted out of office whether or not the shadiness in question is formally illegal.

Conversely, absent adequate social conditions even the most admirable legal framework becomes a dead letter — nobody investigates violations and/or nobody cares.

At the end of the day there are always going to be loopholes in whatever scheme you create.

You see good government when and where the citizens want it and are able to punish those who don’t give it to them.

Reshaping the Landscape of Transactional Politics

Transactional politics has been a staple feature of the Philippine electoral system, as well as the Western electoral systems.The dynamics of transactional politics in the Philippines, however, has yet to display the active engagement displayed by voters in more mature democracies.

The 2010 elections can provide an opportunity to reward representatives/candidates who deliver good performance – not just with votes, but with funds, resources, social networks, and volunteer time. The question is whether people are up to the task or not.

Not to demean the effectiveness of  protest actions, there is more to democracy than rallies and protests. Protests, however, imho, are acts of desperation. It implies that the people are not in control of the agenda.

In contrast, a proactive approach will have more opportunities for influencing the agenda towards the crafting of more meaningful legislation and public programs – the type that matters.

Popularity: 6% [?]

Comments

  1. Karl Garcia says:

    This is often cited by mlq3:
    I felt free to copy paste, I assumed that it is Ok with you.
    Re:Honest Graft and Dishonest Graft.

    PLUNKITT OF TAMMANY HALL

    [George Washington Plunkitt (1842-1924), long-time State Senator from New York's Fifteenth Assembly District, was for forty years a Tammany sachem and something of a power in New York City politics. He became wealthy by means of what he called "honest graft," but continued to hang on to political power because he enjoyed it. He seems to have given interviews and conducted much of his business from a seat on the bootblack stand at the New York County Court-House.

    William L. Riordon, a journalist, published a series of interviews titled Plunkitt of Tammany Hall (N.Y.: McClure, Philipps & Co., 1905) which give the flavor of the man with disarming frankness-indeed, one might regard parts of the book as disingenuous. Here we reproduce parts of two chapters: "Honest Graft and Dishonest Graft," pp. 3-10; and "To Hold Your District," pp. 46-53.]

    Everybody is talkin’ these days about Tammany men growin’ rich on graft, but nobody thinks of drawin’ the distinction between honest graft and dishonest graft. There’ s all the difference in the world between the two. Yes, many of our men have grown rich in politics. I have myself. I’ve made a big fortune out of the game, and I’m gettin’ richer every day, but I’ve not gone in for dishonest graft – blackmailin’ gamblers, saloon-keepers, disorderly people, etc.–and neither has any of the men who have made big fortunes in politics.

    There’s an honest graft, and I’m an example of how it works. I might sum up the whole thing by sayin’: “I seen my opportunities and I took’em.”

    Just let me explain by examples. My party’s in power in the city, and it’s goin’ to undertake a lot of public improvements. Well, I’m tipped off, say, that they’re going to lay out a new park at a certain place.

    I see my opportunity and I take it. I go to that place and I buy up all the land I can in the neighborhood. Then the board of this or that makes its plan public, and there is a rush to get my land, which nobody cared particular for before.

    Ain’t it perfectly honest to charge a good price and make a profit on my investment and foresight? Of course, it is. Well, that’s honest graft.

    Or, supposin’ it’s a new bridge they’re goin’ to build. I get tipped off and I buy as much property as I can that has to be taken for approaches. I sell at my own price later on and drop some more money in the bank.

    Wouldn’t you? It’s just like lookin’ ahead in Wall Street or in the coffee or cotton market. It’s honest graft, and I’m lookin’ for it every day in the year. I will tell you frankly that I’ve got a good lot of it, too.

    I’ll tell you of one case. They were goin’ to fix up a big park, no matter where. I got on to it, and went lookin’ about for land in that neighborhood.

    I could get nothin’ at a bargain but a big piece of swamp, but I took it fast enough and held on to it. What turned out was just what I counted on. They couldn’t make the park complete without Plunkitt’s swamp, and they had to pay a good price for it. Anything dishonest in that?

    Up in the watershed I made some money, too. I bought up several bits of land there some years ago and made a pretty good guess that they would be bought up for water purposes later by the city.

    Somehow, I always guessed about right, and shoudn’t I enjoy the profit of my foresight? It was rather amusin’ when the condemnation commissioners came along and found piece after piece of the land in the name of George Plunkitt of the Fifteenth Assembly District, New York

    City. They wondered how I knew just what to buy. The answer is – I seen my opportunity and I took it. I haven’t confined myself to land; anything that pays is in my line.

    For instance, the city is repavin’ a street and has several hundred thousand old granite blocks to sell. I am on hand to buy, and I know just what they are worth.

    How? Never mind that. I had a sort of monopoly of this business for a while, but once a newspaper tried to do me. It got some outside men to come over from Brooklyn and New Jersey to bid against me.

    Was I done? Not much. I went to each of the men and said: “How many of these 250,000 stones do you want?” One said 20,000, and another wanted 15,000, and another wanted 10,000. I said: “All right, let me bid for the lot, and I’ll give each of you all you want for nothin’.”

    They agreed, of course. Then the auctioneer yelled: “How much am I bid for these 250,000 fine pavin’ stones?”

    “Two dollars and fifty cents,” says I.

    “Two dollars and fifty cents!” screamed the auctioneer. “Oh, that’s a joke! Give me a real bid.”

    He found the bid was real enough. My rivals stood silent. I got the lot for $2.50 and gave them their share. That’s how the attempt to do Plunkitt ended, and that’s how all such attempts end.

    I’ve told you how I got rich by honest graft. Now, let me tell you that most politicians who are accused of robbin’ the city get rich the same way.

    They didn’t steal a dollar from the city treasury. They just seen their opportunities and took them. That is why, when a reform administration comes in and spends a half million dollars in tryin’ to find the public robberies they talked about in the campaign, they don’t find them.

    The books are always all right. The money in the city treasury is all right. Everything is all right. All they can show is that the Tammany heads of departments looked after their friends, within the law, and gave them what opportunities they could to make honest graft. Now, let me tell you that’s never goin’ to hurt Tammany with the people. Every good man looks after his friends, and any man who doesn’t isn’t likely to be popular. If I have a good thing to hand out in private life, I give it to a friend. Why shouldn’t I do the same in public life?

    Another kind of honest graft. Tammany has raised a good many salaries. There was an awful howl by the reformers, but don’t you know that Tammany gains ten votes for every one it lost by salary raisin’?

    The Wall Street banker thinks it shameful to raise a department clerk’s salary from $1500 to $1800 a year, but every man who draws a salary himself says: “That’s all right. I wish it was me.” And he feels very much like votin’ the Tammany ticket on election day, just out of sympathy.

    Tammany was beat in 1901 because the people were deceived into believin’ that it worked dishonest graft. They didn’t draw a distinction between dishonest and honest graft, but they saw that some Tammany man grew rich, and supposed they had been robbin’ the city treasury or levyin’ blackmail on disorderly houses, or workin’ in with the gamblers and lawbreakers.

    As a matter of policy, if nothing else, why should the Tammany leaders go into such dirty business, when there is so much honest graft lyin’ around when they are in power? Did you ever consider that?

    Now, in conclusion, I want to say that I don’t own a dishonest dollar. If my worst enemy was given the job of writin’ my epitaph when I’m gone, he couldn’t do more than write:

    “George W. Plunkitt. He Seen His Opportunities, and He Took ‘Em.”

  2. leytenian says:

    You see good government when and where the citizens want it and are able to punish those who don’t give it to them.

    True only when the rule of law is not weak. The link below are the citizens of this country with legal duties to implement the law. They are expected to ” PUNISH THOSE”. They are paid by the government. http://www.chanrobles.com/courtsinthephilippines.htm

    how does juan de la cruz punish ” THOSE” if he’s legal right to complain is coupled with FEAR? who is responsible to influence juan de la cruz and guide him to Justice? Who is obligated ( legal duty as an employee of the land) to educate juan de la cruz to fish when several is prejudice of his existence?

    • BongV BongV says:

      Punish in this context means – DO NOT VOTE FOR THE BOZOS IN THE FIRST PLACE.

      • leytenian says:

        many of the citizens on that link were not voted but appointed and hired to perform a duty.

      • BongV BongV says:

        http://www.chanrobles.com/article8.htm

        Article 6. Section 11. The Members of the Supreme Court and judges of lower courts shall hold office during good behavior until they reach the age of seventy years or become incapacitated to discharge the duties of their office. The Supreme Court en banc shall have the power to discipline judges of lower courts, or order their dismissal by a vote of a majority of the Members who actually took part in the deliberations on the issues in the case and voted thereon.

        ARTICLE XI – ACCOUNTABILITY OF PUBLIC OFFICERS

        Section 2. The President, the Vice-President, the Members of the Supreme Court, the Members of the Constitutional Commissions, and the Ombudsman may be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, culpable violation of the Constitution, treason, bribery, graft and corruption, other high crimes, or betrayal of public trust. All other public officers and employees may be removed from office as provided by law, but not by impeachment.

    • leytenian says:

      bong,

      the word is ” ABLE” to punish. Is Juan able ?
      Able= Expert, competent, educated, skilled and experienced.

      why expect from the non expert?

      • BongV BongV says:

        Leytenian:

        How did America “punish” the GoP for dubya’s perceived shortcomings? ;)
        You know this thing called a vote? :lol:

      • leytenian says:

        bong,

        that’s america

      • BongV BongV says:

        Ayan, that’s America, meaning….
        Pilipinas can’t.. because???
        are you giving me an alibi for failure?
        or an alibi for success?

        People don’t vote in the Philippines?
        Or are you afraid that the people will not vote according to your standards?

      • leytenian says:

        what’s my standard got to do with the implementation of the rule of law? i’m sleepy na bong.. goodnite baka bukas , i might change my mind :) let’s just go magic.

    • Karl Garcia says:

      We wonder why known grafters gets elected.( if not them, their relatives)

      They say that absolute power corrupts absolutely,blah,blah.

      Allow me to generalize.
      People starts out clean then gets a taste of absolute power then what do you know,he is now as corrupt as everybody.
      Is that an effing excuse?

      Another thing to consider is…..

      People vote using name recall .
      I guess no matter if he or she was an offspring or wife of a hated dictator they still get voted.
      It also would not matter if that old guy faked an assassination attempt to trigger martial law.

      Another is: “di naman mananalo yan, might as well vote for “the sure winner”"

      Lastly, it is not always vote buying that gets “bozos” elected, those examples that I cited are also reasons.

      • Karl Garcia says:

        Bong, I have read your account about the three landed Lumads and their voting farms.

        That is a sad reality too.

        Btw, I have many relatives in Davao from my mother’s side(Misa).

  3. Primer C. Pagunuran Primer says:

    For the jealous sake of clarity, what in your own words does “spin off” mean since I don’t find it in my 4″ Webster’s Encyclopedic Dictionary of the English Language?

    Also, for the same purpose, in the group of words, “It further makes the the assumption that:” what is the other “the” mean, in your own words. This is becoming baby English, of course, but it’s okay, just for so-called ‘quality standards’.

    Please don’t get me wrong here.

    • BongV BongV says:

      Spin-off
      From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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      Look up spin-off or offshoot in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.

      A spin-off is a new organization or entity formed by a split from a larger one, such as a television series based on a pre-existing one, or a new company formed from a university research group or business incubator. In literature, especially in milieu-based popular fictional book series like mysteries, westerns, fantasy or science fiction, the term sub-series is generally used instead of spin-off, but with essentially the same meaning.

      Spin-offs as a descriptive term can also include a dissenting faction of a membership organization, a sect of a cult, or a denomination of a church. In business, a spin-off is essentially the opposite of a merger. In computing, a spin-off from a software project is often called a fork.

      A spin-off product is a product deriving elements of design, branding or function from an existing product, but which is itself a new distinct product.

  4. Karl Garcia says:

    Primer,

    A spin off is a byproduct.

    Moving on what you earlier noted;

    “It further makes the the assumption that:”

    Man, to ask what the other the means is already nitpicking.

    You asked once to use triumphing in a sentence, I could give you one:

    If there is such a book entitled “Triumphing Over Bygones” , I would be glad to find one for you.

  5. Karl Garcia says:

    Magkamukha ba kami ni Jon?
    ok lang ba kay Jon yan? sakin ok lang.

    Your comment was obviously misinterpreted (open for misinterpretation). Thank You for clarifying.

    Karl

  6. Is the post of Bong about grammar school or about transactional politics which is a social blight whether it’s discussed in baku-baku English, Pilipino or Greek even.

    Medyo nakapagod ang obvious na bastusan in a post flow being waylaid as a way of showing up somebody.

    Is this how things are going to be?

  7. Hyden Toro says:

    Transactional Politics, MY ASS…

  8. Karl Garcia says:

    Ok Primer,

    If I get your drift on the comment by any other name like by commenting as karl popper or nielsky, if that is what’s bothering you about me, I have tried my best not to offend you.

    Eh kung lahat ba naman eh Offensive Foul sa yo, I would not know how to deal with you. I would not know how anyone can deal with you. Lahat na yata ng blogger at commenter dito may issue ka.(of course that is an exaggeration)

    You seem to carry the weight of the world,lighten up.

    My estimation is that I am younger than you by more than five years,so I would not want to sound as lecturing.

  9. BongV BongV says:

    Karl:

    Ganito, na lang. Let’s make our lives easier. If a certain author (all of us), after receiving a sober rational comment from a large number of commentators to step up in form and substance, still does not get it, readers still have the option of not reading the author.

    If articulating your disapproval is seen as offensive, you can resort to boycott. For short, commentators can make a conscious decision to skip any blog written by such author. Boycott saves time, and you don’t have to read material which insults even 4th rated writers.

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