Political platforms are supposed to be statements of an ideology, political or economic beliefs or general ideas that a candidate for public office (or a political party) makes available to get the public support the candidate’s election. The publication of a platform takes on many forms such as via a campaign speech, a billboard, a 30-second sound byte, impromptu remarks or a well-crafted political manifesto.
How do we make a candidate for president accountable for his platforms should he get elected?
In a single-term presidential system, the opportunity for the public to hold an elected president accountable to his election promises is practically nil. Where the breach of promise is not an impeachable offense, the intra-constitutional recourse of the public is to wait for the next election.
This is so since in a democracy like ours, modifying a professed political idea or altering what is stated in a platform is neither unconstitutional nor illegal. (Although of course such a change of heart if deemed unwise by the people could be politically fatal.)
It behooves us to understand however that in most cases the President is required to have congressional authorization to carry his policy preferences into effect. For, political platforms are not public policies (laws) per se or much less specific roadmaps designed by bureaucrats to implement those policies. In our system of government, the authority to make public policies is given by the Constitution to congress. The president’s role in the process is administrative in nature (i.e., execution of those policies) except where other presidential powers are granted or recognized by the Constitution.
The making of public policies involves coalition building to obtain support from the legislative majority. It is therefore folly to compare the process to one that takes place in a business setting where governance is by autocratic means. A private corporation is essentially an oligarchy. On the other hand, the making of public policies entails tradeoffs among competing interests. Democracy after all rests on compromises.
There are clear instances however where the president’s share in the policy making process is exclusively well within his province and therefore does not need pre-legislative authorization. One classic example is the enforcement of laws.
Presidential candidate Noynoy Aquino for instance has promised (during his interview with Cheche Lazaro, host of Probe Profiles) to curb corruption (as part of law enforcement) in the fashion such as this:
Q (Cheche Lazaro): What will you do, anong gagawin mo, first 100 days?
A (Noynoy): Magpaplano kami, even the first day.Q: First day?
A: First day, first week. Yung first week, I think, at the very least, yung first week, we will demonstrate the idea namin nang, pabibilisin namin yung process ng justice. Sabay na rin dun sa fight ng corruption. Kung ba–Q: Yun ang una mong aatupagin? Corruption and justice?
A: That has to be, otherwise all the other interventions won’t work. Look at the fertilizer scam. Yung last year we were tackling the 2009 budget, tapos yung core report on the 2007 expenditures. Ang lumabas dun, merong NGO na dalawang beses binigyan ng farm inputs, money for the farm inputs –it’s the same NGO, the same problem, according to the COA doesn’t exist, yung at least in allocation that they said. Tapos yung five hundred thousand in 2004, binigyan ng 34 million in 2007. Yung ano, para bang di lang sa nahuli na, di man lang nahiya na itago, lalo pang pinalaki yung krimen. Pero, hindi nga ako pupunta dyan sa lumipas, baka from the first day, yung aking watch na, dun kami magpapakita na seryoso kami dito. The idea is maimbestigahan, makasuhan within one week.Q: Bakit importante sa yo yun?
A: Para lahat will tow the line, hindi kami nagbibiro.
“Maimbestigahan, makasuhan [to prosecute and file charges] within one week” is a detailed and precise timeline for a promise of public policy administration that we could hold the Noynoy presidency, if it happens, directly accountable. But as you see, it is a significant remark outside of a formal statement in a platform
And how is Noynoy’s belief in the proper enforcement of laws demonstrated by him as a member of congress without reference to a printed platform? Watch his response to Ms. Lazaro when she asked Noynoy a question about his supposed “lackluster” performance in congress:
Noynoy: . . .when you look at the records of the 11th congress, sino ba ang tumatayo dun sa mga policy ng nang-abuso ng karapatan ng pantao? Like yung ano lang naman yun eh two years into that term and in the last year, dun marami nang, and even if you research it, nahiya lang ako dun sa, yung naging focal point ng komite namin dahil ngayon, parang ang laki ng difference talaga sa ginagawang serbisyo sa bayan. Sa budget, ang liwanag dun, tingnan natin sa transcripts, I don’t think I ever missed a budget hearing especially on the floor. Ako yung nagtatanong dun sa intelligence funds. Yung intelligence funds, that’s twenty-four, twenty-four agencies more or less, that have only the chairman of the COA who can look at the details. Congress year in, year out, apportions and appropriates money that they don’t know where it goes to. And I said, parang mali ata yun, responsibilidad natin yung power of the purse and all of that. In short, baka yung sa law, no? Yung hindi naipasa ng Senado, naipasa namin sa House. Okay, may issue sila sa kin dun. Pero yun lang ba ang trabaho ng nasa lehislatura. Yun ay check and balance. Equally important. It’s not really just the number of laws you filed or the bills you filed and the laws you passed no? Pero more importantly, paniwala ko kasi, dami-dami nang batas. Yung mga lawyers kusang nakikiusap, pwede bang recodification? Nagkakaroon na ng confusion sa dami ng amendments, mga narepeal, etc. Sila nahihilo na. So, ang solusyon ba, dagdagan? Hindi. Implementation. Ano yung implementation? Itong budget ang main means para maimpluwensyahan mo yung polisiya. Yung kritiko ba nagparticipate siya dun nung umaga hanggang umaga? Itong last na budget tinalakay 2009, dadalawa kaming talagang buong gabi ni Senator Pimentel. And that’s when I lost ten pounds in a two-week period because it was nine in the morning to one in the morning, and primarily, I think, breakfast lang yung meal yata na it’s two hours travel time to the Senate also, and four or five hours maximum every day, and on top of the Euro generals, on top of Jocjoc, on top of ZTE. Jun Lozada will confirm that, before he left for Hongkong, he was talking to an intermediary, ’cause he wanted already to testify. Pagdating sa airport, ako dapat ang sumundo sa kanya, kaya lang hindi na pinalabas ng airport. Pagdating dun sa ZTE Formoso, head of the IT concerns of the country, ako yata yung nagpalabas na lawyer pala siya pero law seminars ang inaattend at walang training per se formally na IT. Yung, I think it’s unfair to say that I haven’t–I didn’t do anything. And I would challenge even on attendance basis those who are criticizing. Pero more than that, I really have to emphasize the administrations that I’ve worked with, and there have only been two, ito lang ang kailangang ma-check, yung mga abuses na ginagawa, lalo na nitong pangalawa. At hindi nadadaan sa panibagong batas. Ang kailangan dun, enforcement muna nung mga existing na batas.
I believe the value system of Noynoy as a highly responsible public servant in terms of public policy management is quite discernible in the foregoing accounts.
Noynoy also said doing the right thing (“Yung paggagawa lang ng tama”) is a principle he cannot compromise. Yet, it is a motherhood statement. Here’s how he has illustrated the practical operation of the principle in the Lazaro interview:
Noynoy: … Yung pinag-uusapan parati korupsyon, sasabihin yung inefficiency sa gobyerno. Pag sinabi mong “Bukas patitinuin natin.” Hindi mo kaya yun. So naghanap ako ng bite-size, ano yung bite-size ko sa AFP? Petroleum oil and lubricants, issue namin, I think, nine budgets na yata na napipili kong maglagay ng special provision to deal with that problem. Bottomline, since 1974, they have not been bidding out that requirement. Sa distrito namin, maski sinong congressman nung araw, may bid ka ng hundred fifty thousand project, kailangan minimum three bidders. Pero yung one particular petroleum oil and lubricant budget today amounting to 1.8 billion pesos. Ang estimates between five to ten percent of that can be savings. Pero since ’74, it has not been bidded out, so how do you take advantage of yung disparities in price? What about deregulation? So, everyone may tama. Kailangan nang i-bid, public expenditure yun. Using public funds, ganun-ganun. So, nakakahanap sila ng kung anu-anong dahilan kung bakit hindi pa rin nabi-bid up to now. Kaya hindi ako humihinto sa kanila. Tutok pa rin ako ng tutok, tama ba ‘to, pwede ba yun—sa kin hindi. Ano ba yung 90 million, you translate that into five thousand pesos, divide it five thousand pesos, that’s a number of scholarships per semester you can do in Tarlac and so many other state universities. If it’s a hundred eighty million, more so. And that particular year, they were asking six million na dagdag for the hospitals, and they had it already there. Nineteen hundred and eighty million. There’s, I mean, mamili ka kung anong sector or agency of government, they will tell you what specifically what tama means. But, yung tama is, kaya nga naging tama dapat napaka-natural, dapat kayang-kaya ng lahat, dapat naiintindihan ng lahat.
Now think about it, which is more “obfuscatory,” a platform with precise and detailed promises complete with “production benchmarks” in the fine prints or one that is basically motherhood but, based on the candidate’s record, we can trust there will be serious efforts to deliver what’s promised?
This response of mine to a comment posted by J_AG will probably help explain where I’m headin’:
RP undeniably faces daunting challenges and our leaders could be in need of people like you to help them understand better the development process.
What I’m learning however is that development strategies, or policies to foster economic development, will probably be tailor-fitted to our own situation even as we learn lessons of both the failures and successes from other countries.
It looks that any model we’ll settle on will likely be pursued on a very experimental basis because there appears to have no cookie-cutter blueprint yet in place that fits all. This means that what’s proven successful in China for instance will not necessarily foretell of similar success if tried in RP.
And since what’s to be pursued, whether by revolutionary means or otherwise, will be basically experimental, what’s of the moment I believe is the flexibility or the capacity and/or willingness to change course along the developmental path when things aren’t working. By this I mean that to attain swift shift, “vested interest” or “special interest” (as well as power-tripping on the part of bureaucrats) should be checked at the door when conducting economic analysis or designing development plans (and I’m assuming that, at this juncture, the political leadership has either been able to persuade the representation of critical sectors of society to come together to plan for the future – where requirement for serious commitment to a “sense of country” comes into play – or has decided to go it alone come what may, if you sense my drift).
What we have seen at least as regards the “tiger economies” is that they have come too close to being fascist states to carry out their development programs (despite being market oriented). And when the “sleeping giant” finally had woken up, we found it having easier time doing the same because its economy is already state managed in the first place.
I can therefore understand why Noynoy needed Divine guidance before taking the plunge. He has probably realized six years are not enough to make things happen; but he could at least lay the foundation.
And Noynoy has said so seemingly with a view to trusting people-powered democracy: “Pero klaro sa kin na hindi ko kaya yan lahat. Yung hindi ko kaya, isasuggest ko na. Isa-suggest kung para sa bayan paniniwala ko, siya nang bahalang magprovide ng kung anong kukulangin.”
Popularity: 2% [?]
Propagandists!
“Platforms are essentially abstract, motherhood, platitudes. They fundamentally do not make sense nor represent the more tangible, the more doable, and the more realistic approach to our recurring societal woes.”
Do you still believe in those words of yours, Primer?
Writing more material about NoyNoy, Abe? Several weeks ago, my gut had already told me NoyNoy, but now you are making me think.
Mike H, please share with us what you’re thinking so we can talk about it.
that he’s not The One.
There is no Trinity — can’t find a Trinity, and without a Trinity, he’s not The One. Plus he moves slow. Slow-moving is a key sign. Slow-moving means… he’s not The One.
O well, the way I see, it’s not what I have written but the peculiar internal operation of your mind that has made you “think” or reconsider an earlier gut-decision.
that NoyNoy — that he’s not The One. My gut has always told me that gut works, but many times no, so I went with my gut about thinking things through. I did.
So who would be the better manager? Not NoyNoy. Gibo, Gordon better. I will grant that NoyNoy can elicit the sympathy. He has already done so, fer syurrr. But about leading and inspiring? Sympathy-yes lead-no : NoyNoy.
The closer to the masa? Not NoyNoy. I’d think the masa closer to Gordon than NoyNoy ‘cuz Gordon has helped more, but who knows? Now this one I am sure of. Erap! Erap closer to the masa than NoyNoy.
Better re understands parents’ issues and women issues? Not NoyNoy. Jamby would be better, Gibo, all others — better.
The one who better understands national defense and civil service personnel issues? Not NoyNoy. Gordon, better. Gibo, better. I’ll even say Villar understands better. [But noyNoy better than Jamby. Hey, NoyNoy belongs to a gun club, doesn't he? Plus NoyNoy knows perimeter-protection Hacienda Luisita.]
Now I did think of Cory, but not for that long. Then the surveys. Have you seen how many believe the surveys that support their thoughts and how many belittle surveys that don’t? And surveys do say NoyNoy tops the surveys. No need to think. No need for gut-check, only to be able to read — NoyNoy’s the one at 45% topping the surveys.
NEDA is readying the new medium term development plan for the incoming government in 2010. (Philippine Star dated December 24, 2009.)
Abe, baby, whoever gets to be President is bound to follow this policy platform set by the Washington Consensus and followed dutifully by our bright boys at NEDA.
That is why Villar said baliwala ang mga platform platform diyan.
Naka salang na ang polciy framework sa neo-liberal paradigm. Hence the call for good governance since they blame the weak institutions for the fact that the paradigm does not work.
But J_AG, aside from Villar, which of the other candidates, based on what’s on record, are most likely to resist the Consensus.
Noynoy has attempted by a proposed legislation to institute industrial democracy (a dead economic paradigm in the US) and Mar as DTI secretary once has threatened to withdraw from WTO.
Noynoy has yet to demonstrate how he can fight corruption. Easier said than done.
http://truthaboutluciotan.blogspot.com/
NoyNoy says in interview to elect him, then watch what he’ll do in his first week. Seryoso hindi biro. In his own words, The idea is maimbestigahan, makasuhan within one week.
May nagagalit bakit daw di na publish ang comment nya….
i was waiting for this to appear here! :)
Dapat lang na nag appear yan. I don’t know why they keep moderating valid comments. Wala namang masama sa sinulat ni benign0 eh.
Karl (and benigs),
I have pointed out here in FV that the LP platform (and Noynoy legislative initiatives) “have dared to take a very strong and conspicuous stand on some highly sensitive socio-economic issues such as the promotion of ‘industrial democracy’ (or the idea that postulates for example that workers may co-own the enterprise, elect the management via a democracy in the workplace and have a say not just in matters of wages and benefits, but also as far as maybe in deciding product pricing and organizational design) which not even the Democratic Party under Obama would touch with a ten foot pole without being called un-American.”
Outside of pure political theorizing, the piece above stresses the realpolitik about public policymaking where in a Noynoy presidency, for instance, one could simply take for granted legislative cooperation to rubber stamp Noynoy’ election promises. On the contrary, legislative deference to the president’s policy preferences is far from automatic.
Public policy system, any student of politics should know, is subject to conflicting interests, internal or external (e.g., the infamous Washington consensus as J_AG points out above), sectional or regional, ideological or factional, some even purely selfish or personal. The land reform law under Cory and the healthcare reform initiative by Obama are good examples both in the Philippines and US. The final products have come out far from what’s promised or intended.
In a parliamentary system (at least of the Western European model), in which the chief executive or administrator is also the head of the legislative body (hence, he is both chief executive and chief legislator), legislative members of the same party (or a coalition of parties) vote together on major issues such as a paradigm-changing program for industrial democracy as spelled out in the LP platform or as one of President Noynoy’s public policy priorities. One salient feature of this parliamentary model is that election can happen any time where there is perceived betrayal of electoral promises for example or power can change without election (the prime minister is forced to resign by a vote of no confidence.)
In a multi-term presidential system as in the US or in pre-martial law Philippines, there is at least an opportunity for the electorate to hold the president accountable for breach of electoral promises when or if he seeks re-election.
The opportunity for “inter-election” reckoning in a parliamentary system or a denial of fresh mandate in a re-election under a multi-term presidential system is absent in a single-term presidential system that’s obtaining in our system of government today . . . except through the impeachment process, “street” democracy, or on rare occasions via “constructive” judicial election.
benignO, so enamored by (and therefore “cannot see beyond”) his supposedly business-modeled platform plez baby is blindsided again both by his vacuity and his now nearly-undisguised condescending (he prefers to call it anti-Pinoy) attitude towards his jeepney-riding and below-average compatriots and has decided to see and read something in my piece that’s not there to entertain himself and regrettably a few above-average souls. (Very unfortunately, they also pretend to see nothing in the LP and Noynoy’s platforms because the platforms do not conform to the self-vaunted benignO model.)
OK Abe,
Siguro may reply dito si benign0 somewhere in the blogosphere.
Thanks for your reply gusto ko ding makita ang mga sagot mo, otherwise pinabayaan ko na itong post nya.
NoyNoy is getting more definitive about programs. EllenT reports that NoyNoy said these recently.
But the candidate NoyNoy did not include these words.
NoyNoy did not even say that he will include reducing sea disasters as a priority of his administration, all he said was “GMA – talsik diyan!”
UPN,
If ever he promises to eradicate sea mishaps, then I won’t believe him.
Even the senate investigation on this is nakakasawa na tagal tagal na ng tragedies.
Ngayon pasado na sa bicam ang coast guard bill, yung mga maritime bills nakatengga pa.
Tapos ang costs for shipbuilding di pa natin maaddress, we export small vessels but we cannot afford to finance building large vessels whose design is really designed for both cargo and passengers.
Almost all of our large vessels if not all are just redesigned, hinog sa pilit.me nagsabi kaya tumatagilid palpak daw ang lashing.
Kahit na di palpak ang pagkatali mo dyan,kung di maganda ang design nya tatagilid yan.
Pagod na ako sa senate investigations sa maritime disasters.sa totoo lang.
Trust cannot be seen. At least, in platform. You have an idea of what
a candidate will do, after elected. You can trust a con man, or an
scammer. And, the first day he is elected. He violates your trust.
There is no accountability for a candidate to perform his platform.
This is where CHARACTER and RECORDS come into play. A thief will always
steal. No matter how high his educational attainment he had accomplished. A liar will always lie. So, you dig his records. If he is a pathological liar.
Hyden,
A very well constructive, and honest opinion.
Almost drop my blueberry bagels, while sipping my coffee.
Hehehehehe…!
No comment, no mistake.
—————–
“Boss, ano ba naman iyong presidente? Aba, he vetoed the Reproductive Health bill.”
– “Bakit ka naman nabigla, President Villar had always said he was against RH.”
– “Oo nga, buwisit itong si Erap. Hindi ba sabi niya, he is for RH?”
– “Heh, heh, heh… syarrap ka na nga, puwede ba!! Bakit, nuong kumakandidato ba si NoyNoy, pro- ba o against sa RH? Wah ka sey, suuurrrr-prise!!!”
No comment, no mistake.
“Boss, ano ba naman itong si presidente. Taas na naman ang e-VAT.”
“I will not run for president!”
That was a mistake.
“No comment, no mistake.”
I agree.
“Boss, ano ba naman iyong presidente? Aba, he signed the Reproductive Health bill.”
“Ëh, ano naman. Hindi naman siya magnanakaw, hindi naman siya human rights violators, pinakukulong niya ang mga tauhang-gobierno na mga magnanakaw, hindi niya pinapayagan ang mga kamaganak niya na magnakaw sa taong-bayan. Maayos naman ang palakad sa gobierno, satisfied ang taong-bayan. At higit sa lahat, hindi takot si presidente sa mga pari.”
Bert: Is NoyNoy the author of the Reproductive Health Bill? He is not even supporting the bill at all, is he? My perception is that NoyNoy has retreated and he has positioned himself right down the middle so cocoy can tell sparks that NoyNoy remains pro-RH at the same time that Mar Roxas can tell any CBCP bishop that NoyNoy is true-blue Catholic anti-RH.
Now Erap, he remains pro-RH (and he also says the metro-Manila middle- and upper-classes do not like him because he/Erap is pro-poor).
Trust is proven by coming up with a good platform and following through with it. No platform means no reason to put in trust. Because that trust would be put into nothing.